The current situation is very complicated for many reasons. The Kosovo final status is left open by UN Security Council Resolution 1244. In May 2001, the Constitutional Framework limited the room for the creation and
functioning of the key institutions of Kosovo's statehood. There are too many interpretations of that, depending on the viewpoint, whether international or local. Current Serbian diplomacy is very active and it should be realized that the agreement between Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic and Former SRSG Hans Haekkerup (November 2001), which later was abrogated in the symbolic sense by the Kosovo Assembly (May 2002) signed by both entities is still responsible for harming mainly Kosovar citizens.
Certain segments of UNMIK administration still behave like Kosovo is a province of Serbia (these authorities take most decisions in close cooperation with Belgrade). The majority of Kosovo Serbs unfortunately still feel and work like they are Serbian citizens (their participation in Serbia presidential elections, boycott against local institutions and announcement of Serb independent municipalities in northern Kosovo and Anamorava [sic]). On the other hand, Belgrade doesn't stop misusing them in its own political interests. It is my opinion, and also an incontestable fact, that Belgrade institutions still don't support the return of displaced persons (K-Serb and Montenegrins). They don't accept this sensitive topic as a humanitarian but as a political issue. Belgrade had the same approach with other Serbs in Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia during the Milosevic era, but this has come back to them like a boomerang.
Three political aims of Serbia in Kosovo
First, maintaining the status quo in the north, in about 20 percent of Kosovo's territory.
[They want to create] the reality of partition and later by judicial partition to establish the means to block the process of the recognition of the territory Kosovo, which was recognized by the Rambouillet Agreement as well by Resolution 1244.
These approaches, which always come under pressure, legitimize Serbian State pretensions against Kosovo. By imposing administrative and economic blockades, Belgrade is isolating part of our country and directly postponing the resolving of final status.
In more than 20 percent of Kosovo's territory, UNMIK's presence is very formal, symbolic, and a balance to the recognition the Serbian regime's interest in those parts.
Second, the existence and functioning of Serb 'enclaves' within Kosovo territory, and also their organic and geographic connection with Serbian territory and its administration.
As a result of this, Belgrade does not encourage any movements in Prishtina politics or in international circles [directed toward] creating conditions for freedom of movement for all the people of Kosovo.
Third, there is a big clamor in international and internal public opinion about the right that displaced persons have to come back, while, on the other hand, on the ground, these authorities carry out their blockades with the purpose of lynching Kosovo in the eyes of the democratic world.
K-Serbs have been directed by Belgrade not to work with the majority in Kosovo, whilst they recommended those who came back not to stay in their own houses (which are for sale), but being instruments of them, to be installed in enclaves in order to preserve their ethnic homogeneity in certain parts of Kosovo.
This situation and these tendencies are already well known to the local and international communities. The regime in Belgrade, through K-Serbs and on behalf of their rights, is using them as easy instruments in a way that is determined by Belgrade itself.
By means of this tactic, they are putting pressure on the international community and, at same time, labeling Albanians as being intolerant and not accepting the Serbs. All this will continue in order to maintain the same situation and to attempt to find other supporters in the international community.
Other minorities have accepted and recognized the new reality in Kosovo. They are a significant element in Kosovar coexistence and institutional participation.
Kosovo will be a state where all its citizens will have equal rights, regardless of religion and ethnicity, and it will be guaranteed its territorial integrity.
Albanians
On the other hand, Albanians continue to behave with great passivity, sometimes in the extreme, as if Kosovo were really independent. Such lethargic behavior, even more than some people' affinity for conflict, has unfortunately disappointed our friends in West.
The penal and other discriminatory Serbian laws are still applied in Kosovo. The current laws applied in Kosovo derive from the 1989period. This situation is causing Kosovo processes to lose their meaning because of Kosovo's transformation from a country with a democratic perspective into a country with crime, instability and conflict, which requires tremendous energy to eliminate. It must be understood that democratic standards cannot be achieved with partisan legislation. Initially, contemporary law must work so that democracy can triumph later.
This is the last time to totally separate from the single party concept - administrative, political, judicial and social. I believe that the commitment for this exists. We must not allow Kosovo to become the victim of bureaucratic delays. The Kosovo Assembly is established but doesn't work effectively; sometime it is blocked by itself; sometimes it is limited in its actions by international observers (don't prejudged because every Parliament is observed). The Assembly doesn't seem to realize its responsibility and the necessity for establishing modern legislation.
Real power (UNMIK) and symbolic power (Kosovars)
The Kosovo representatives aren't showing themselves able to uphold the relevant, and they forget their responsibilities. Kosovo itself today has two sorts of authorities: real judicial authority from UNMIK and symbolic fictional authority (the Government, the Assembly and the President). Kosovars can talk, demand and decide whatever they want through democratic procedures, but the SRSG can declare their decisions null and void on the basis of his reserved competencies, as he has done several times.
International recognition of Serbia and Montenegro in the Stability Pact, CoE, and the enlargement of the NATO pact in the east and Serbia's aim to be admitted to NATO after Albania, Croatia and Macedonia has awakened an immediate requirement for resolving the final status of Kosovo. In this context, we have to stop the negative flow, not just to satisfy ourselves, but also to directly stop this process. Kosovo is under international administration. So, de facto and de jure we are governed by international administration. Therefore, the democratic institutions, which are created by the vote of the people, are powerless to accomplish the citizen's interests. These circumstances are leading political institutions to a crisis which is also going to be challenged by the citizens in the coming elections, by boycotting the elections or even worse by holding political parties accountable for their promises and for their abuses of power as well. The punishment of economic and political crime by responsible mechanisms is barely above zero. The proprietors of corruption, usurpations, buildings without license and smugglers are not being caught and sometimes they are even promoted (at KEK, PTK , Customs).
The responsible mechanisms know about the source and political motives of the crimes, but do not even try to stop or crack it. Always before the elections, and even after, unnecessary tensions were created between political entities. Their sponsors write the statements regarding those crimes before the crimes are even committed. Internationals are again disappointed with Kosovars and doubt whether or not to continue their investments in Kosovo.
The impression is created that it is enough to become a 'constructive' politician and you will be immune from punishment. By excluding Kosovars from the judicial system and by appointing only international attorneys and judges, it appears that somebody wants selective judgments on the basis of ethnicity or political convictions.
In Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia, if you were part of the resistance against the Serbian aggressor and genocide (Milosevic era), you will have more chances of being integrated into society. In Kosovo, if you are a former member of KLA or even a son of a former KLA, you can't find work at KPS, in public services or even in the administration because of different filters that your file goes through. Sometimes the family of a former fighter or people with disability from the war have their homes raided or, even worse, their [orphaned] children are ignored. The motive: direct or indirect participation in the KLA war. What can we say about this? Political prejudgment, selective justice, paranoia, negative difference or positive affirmation.
The society, victim of organized crime
Nobody should feel privileged or discriminated against because of his political or national commitment. The past cannot hold the future hostage. There were some raids in Prekaz. A big clamor was going on. KFOR did its job, while the citizens behaved according to traditional rules. NATO forces didn't raid Prekaz because they were against them, but because NATO was misinformed by those that tried to put a split between an emblematic Kosovo place and the international community. Who are the swindlers? It has been silenced. They aren't friends of the freedom of Kosovo, or even friends of Western democratic values. Who is playing with the sincere feelings of our citizens and with the international peacekeeping force as well? Possibly the heads of organized crime. They are still above the law, while the victims are our citizens and the internationals. The law is and for those swindlers? Why isn't is being enforced?
Kosovo society is still the victim of organized crime. Such crimes still remain unpunished by responsible mechanisms of justice. The citizens must increase their distance from institutional crime.
Criminals and abusers don't recognize honor, law or ethnicity. They work very hard to criminalize society and its institutions. If they remain in power, there will be more institutional instability, fear and threats against the future. If justice is delayed, responsible citizens must act. Society mustn't become a victim but at last become responsible.
Further commitments will be a serious challenge to political parties, institutions, NGOs, the free media, the citizens and the international community as well.
The debate and co-decision making process
By not empowering local institutions with more competencies shows a lack of respect for the citizens and their will. This situation keeps the process in a halfway position and causes delays in achieving contemporary civic values. A transparent debate should start on all issues between locals and the international administration. Lack of transparence will generate obscurity and confusion. The debate and co-decision-making process will result in progress for Kosovo. There is no more time to lose.
Locals and internationals must harmonize their priorities in order to accelerate the process of implementation of Kosovo in EU structures.
The UNMIK approach toward Kosovo institutions is unacceptable. On the one hand, contacts with decision-making centers aren't allowed, whilst, on the other hand, there is tremendous pressure on Kosovo to have direct contacts with Belgrade (and the pressure must go the other way). In relation to Belgrade, meetings, talks, even dialogue must result in mutual understanding in order to achieve the standards of both countries and region.
Kosovo status does not need a debate but recognition. In these circumstances there could be 100 years of dialogue (dialogue implies compromise), but Kosovars must be strongly determined for independence. Kosovo cannot have a status imposed from Serbia.
Today Washington and Brussels won't sacrifice their engagement in Serbia for the independence of Kosovo, but neither do they accept the version of Serbia over Kosovo. However, both countries must follow their path toward integration into North Atlantic structures.
Steiner accepts assembly remarks on two laws, but not on finance and education
Zëri quotes UNMIK officials as saying that laws on external trade and telecommunications have been amended by the Kosovo Assembly, based on requests from the UNMIK Legal Office.
UNMIK officials also told the paper that the laws on higher education and finance management still do not fulfill the requirements under the Constitutional Framework. Regarding the two bills where the assembly did not take into account the remarks of UNMIK legal office, Zëri reports that UNMIK spokeswoman Izabella Karlowicz said that they are currently under active consideration by UNMIK and that SRSG Michael Steiner will take a decision in due time. 'The problem with the law on finance management is that it is not in line with the SRSG's final authority over the Kosovo Consolidated Budget, and therefore it violates the Constitutional Framework.'
Commenting on the law on finance management, Ramush Tahiri, advisor to Kosovo Assembly speaker Nexhat Daci, said that assembly committees had worked with UNMIK legal experts. He said local legislators had not accepted all of Steiner's recommendations because 'it was believed that some remarks from the UNMIK legal office were in contravention with chapter five of the Constitutional Framework, which says the provisional bodies of self-government have the responsibility for fiscal and economic policy and in budgetary and fiscal issues'. 'This is the reason why not even half of remarks from the legal office were accepted,' he said.
The paper quotes Karlowicz as confirming that 12 May was the deadline for the assembly to amend these laws, incorporating remarks from Steiner's legal office in conformity with Constitutional Framework and 1244.
Steiner signs land-use regulation - first tenders on Thursday (all dailies)
All dailies reported that SRSG Michael Steiner signed the draft regulation on land use last Friday, thus opening the way to the privatization process. Zëri reports that the regulation was at the UN Legal Office in New York for a long time, and that several weeks ago it was sent back to Prishtina in a unacceptable version for government and union representatives, who then made their remarks and suggestions. The draft regulation, together with the remarks of locals, was sent to the New York legal office again, where the remarks of local officials were quickly incorporated into the regulation. In a procedure previously unknown at UNMIK, chief administrator Michael Steiner signed the draft, giving it the power of a law, added the paper.
'This regulation overcomes the last remaining legal obstacle to starting the privatization process. The tender invitations for the first six enterprises already assigned for privatization by the KTA Board will be published this week,' said Steiner.
'The regulation has been discussed and agreed with the Kosovo Government and other interested parties and it balances the interests of all partners in the process,' he said.
'A portion of the proceeds of sale from the privatization process will be distributed to the workers of the privatized socially owned enterprises (SOEs). This portion has been fixed at 20 percent of the bid prices paid for the SOEs concerned,' said Steiner, and added that success depends on how participants agree to carry out the process.
The land use regulation provides for everyone who worked for more than three years to get a share of the price of the privatized enterprise. The list of employees will be complied by the Kosovo Workers Union. The KTA will accept this list and if necessary change it. The list of employees will be 'published in major Albanian and Serbian papers' together with the right of remarks by everyone.
'I was only told that remarks made by the union and the Government had been accepted, that all employees that worked more than three years would have right of participation,' said Bahri Shabani, President of the Workers Union, adding that this was one of the major problems.
'We agreed that the lease would be for 99 years,' said Shabani. He added that the KTA Board would meet Thursday 'and if everything is all right, then we announce the first six tenders out of the 25 that are foreseen first to be privatized'.
Busek: Thessalonica Summit to pave way for Kosovo integration in Europe
'Kosovo chief administrator Michael Steiner might leave Kosovo soon, but he will leave behind excellent work and we hope that his successor will continue this work,' Koha Ditore quoted Erhard Busek, the coordinator of the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe.
During a debate on the future of Kosovo held in Vienna and organized by the Institute for Danube and Central Europe and the Austrian Bank Raiffeisen Zenralbank (RZB), Busek said that Kosovo and Bosnia are two international protectorates in Europe, and that the biggest problem is that Bosnia is recognized as an independent country, whereas Kosovo is not. No matter the status, Kosovo must not remain a black spot on the map of Europe, but it must be integrated, by being included with other countries in the process of association and stabilization. 'We hope and there are positive signs that the Thessalonica Summit will pave this way for Kosovo,' he was quoted as saying.
Busek said that although Kosovo is the poorest place in Europe it is not without a future. He praised the initiative of the Austrian Bank RZB that began work in Kosovo on May 7 with an initial capital of 90 million euros and called on European investors to invest in Kosovo.
RZB Director in Kosovo, Steven Grunerud, was also optimistic about the future of Kosovo and the security for foreign investors. He said that Kosovo's future was in Europe even in the monetary aspect, with euro as the official currency. 'Apart from this, within a very short period of time, Kosovo is going to have the most modern legislation in the Balkans,' he added.
Nikolaus Lambsdorff, chief of SRSG Michael Steiner's cabinet, said that Kosovo's future should be in the European Union. He recalled that two ideas could be heard recently regarding Kosovo's final status: first, within the Union of Serbia and Montenegro; and, second, as an independent country. 'However, the final status is not a competency of UNMIK, it is the competency of the United Nations Security Council,' he said, adding that UNMIK was to prepare the path leading to final status.
'One thing is clear though,' said Lambsdorff, 'Serbia will never again return to Kosovo. This is not a personal opinion of Mr. Steiner or my personal opinion, but this is what Resolution 1244 says.'
Lambsdorff said that UNMIK has done a lot in Kosovo, and he especially pointed to the work by SRSG Michael Steiner who he said has managed to expand UNMIK's authority throughout the territory of Kosovo, including northern Mitrovica.
'Mr. Steiner has done a very good job by applying a policy of standards before status. UNMIK will continue applying this policy, because Steiner's standards present the minimal level that a society must fulfill as a condition to join European democratic societies. In the meantime, UNMIK is working on the transfer of competencies to local institutions as foreseen by Resolution 1244,' said Lambsdorff. He added that Kosovo remained behind in creating a multiethnic society 'mainly because Kosovar society lacks someone like Nelson Mandela and because Serbs are following a policy of the Balkans-age mentality - boycott'.
While the entire process is moving ahead under the direction and initiative of UNMIK, Lambsdorff says that none of the Albanian political parties has a program for the future of Kosovo. He recalls that during the election campaign, the main topic of all political parties was the independence of Kosovo, as if Kosovo doesn't have more important problems. 'Unfortunately,' he added, 'nothing has changed and all the political parties continue to talk only about the final status issue.'
Former UNMIK education chief Michael Daxner, a participant in the debate, says Kosovar society needs more educated people. During his time in Kosovo and the preparation of laws on education, he observed that most of the Kosovar intelligentsia lives in Europe and the US. 'I have seen many Kosovar academics working in western universities and institutions,' he said, expressing surprise that Kosovar institutions weren't interested in engaging these people.
Journalist and Balkans expert Kristine von Kohl said that the European Union should help Kosovars in rebuilding their future. She criticized UNMIK's practice of changing staff members every six months and criticized accusations against Albanians for not respecting the law and supporting the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini. 'We know that revenge is not a phenomenon applied only in Kosovo, but all over the world,' she added. Von Kohl also criticized tendencies to present Albanians as people with affinities for crime and no respect for the law.
LDK, PDK and AAK uninterested in meeting with DOS (Zëri)
Still unknown is the fate of the invitation from Momcilo Trajkovic, the head of the Serbian Democratic Opposition (DOS) for Kosovo, to UNMIK chief administrator Michael Steiner to meet with DOS, the party currently is in power Serbia, and the heads of Serbian political parties in Kosovo, reports Zëri.
Last week Trajkovic, who is also president of the Serb Resistance Movement (SPOT), called on UNMIK chief administrator Michael Steiner to gather the leaders of Kosovo Albanian political parties represented at the Kosovo Assembly for a meeting, if Steiner would allow a senior DOS delegation to visit Kosovo. Trajkovic's invitation ignored the heads of Kosovo institutions, and especially Kosovo Assembly president Nexhat Daci, and Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi. Officials at these two offices said that they had not received any invitation.
According to the paper's source, UNMIK Director for Political Issues Petr Ivantsov has taken the responsibility of handing this letter to three main Kosovo Albanian political parties, the LDK, the PDK and the AAK. 'At UNMIK, we were told that the letter was already handed to the three political parties, while one of the parties said they had not received any such letter,' Zëri writes.
UNMIK spokeswoman Izabella Karlowicz said that UNMIK doesn't have any other role in this process than to encourage the process of dialogue between political parties in Prishtina and those in Belgrade.
Trajkovic's letter addressed to Michael Steiner reads: 'The coalition government in Belgrade, DOS, has the honor of expressing its regards to the UN mission in Kosovo, and awaiting the full implementation of UN Security Resolution 1244. As you are aware, the DOS coalition is working with UNMIK administration through the Coordinating Center for Kosovo, the ministerial council of Serbia and Montenegro for Kosovo, the representatives of Serb Coalition Povratak at Kosovo Assembly and through interim institutions.
'Our objectives were and will be the strengthening of democratic and multiethnic institutions in Kosovo and forming a substantial trust between the different communities for the preparations for a dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade.'
Trajkovic says the stance of the Serbian side is that 'the engagement of political parties is needed for this process'. Trajkovic has asked Steiner to allow the DOS Presidency to visit Kosovo to meet with Kosovar political leaders.
He says this visit and follow-up meetings would encourage the Serb community in Kosovo to seek solutions within democratic institutions and to continue their participation in Kosovo institutions. 'We see this as a very important initiative to strengthen cooperation between the Serbian Government led by our coalition and UNMIK authorities in overcoming some misunderstandings,' said Trajkovic.
'With the aim of raising trust, we hope that you will support our initiative and will find a common modality for implementing it,' the Trajkovic letter concludes.
UNMIK chief administrator Michael Steiner's reply was very short. 'I welcome your good aim to meet with leaders of political parties that are represented in the Kosovo Assembly…I will send this request to the political parties,' he wrote.
Kosovo political parties expressed surprised with Trajkovic's invitation to meet somewhere in Kosovo. 'No one from UNMIK has brought us an invitation for a meeting, so I don't want to comment before receiving the actual invitation,' said LDK spokesperson Lulzim Zeneli.
However, Zëri was told at PDK that they had received a letter from Steiner but there was no invitation to attend a meeting. According to the paper's source, the letter that arrived from Steiner was his reply to Trajkovic's letter.
'There is no invitation for a dialogue for achieving a consensus by all Kosovars on the issue of moratorium. PDK is discussing the ways to achieve a consensus with all Kosovar political parties and these consultations should be done with Kosovo Serbs and not with Serbs from Serbia, in the continuance of these consultations,' said the PDK source.
AAK chairman Ramush Haradinaj told Zëri they considered the beginning of cooperation with representatives of the Serb minority represented in Kosovo institutions to be 'very useful', but 'we don't agree that this cooperation should be placed on an unclear basis'.
'The party membership must be cleared to see if they are political parties represented by Kosovo citizens or by citizens in Serbia. We are for cooperation, but with clear positions,' said Haradinaj.
'I thank you for the letter of notification that was received by UNMIK chief administrator Michael Steiner from Momcilo Trajkovic…Regarding the issue dealt with in the letter sent by Mr. Steiner, the AAK has decided to continue the cooperation with elected representatives of the minorities in the democratic Kosovo institutions,' reads Haradinaj's reply.
'Regarding cooperation with political parties from Serbia, their representatives and Serbian institutions, we consider that this is cooperation between two neighbors and when sustainable neighborly relations are determined we will give support to cooperation between parties,' Haradinaj's letter concludes.
Shala: Avoiding institutions (Zëri)
Zëri carried an editorial by Blerim Shala in which he comments that Kosovo institutions need to be included in the competencies process.
The theory of the egg and hen has been applied for quite some time now in relations between UNMIK and local authorities on the issue of transferring competencies from internationals to Kosovars. We have often heard UNMIK representatives say that local authorities must show competency (and quality) in order to have more power. On the other hand, Kosovar officials have said that the quality of local authorities could not be measured objectively without getting full competencies. Above these discussions, which produce tensions, we must add that in the Albanian political camp, among Kosovar political parties, there doesn't seem to be full agreement on the basic idea that the main competency of local power is the strengthening of Kosovar institutions.
This conclusion might seem strange to some but there are still some cases where, for various reasons, the tendency to avoid the Government and the Assembly haven't been eliminated. It is true that the current quality of the Government and the Assembly is far from our wishes and aims. However, for the first time, these institutions have full international and local legitimacy.
Keeping alive, in any shape or form, the parallel structures or the political belief that strategic issues for Kosovo can be addressed by ignoring the Assembly and the Government are very dangerous for the development of democracy in Kosovo. If, in any way, we prove disdainful toward the Assembly and the Government, then we cannot hope that they will be strengthened to the degree that they can carry the main responsibility for political developments in Kosovo.
Jusuf Ferizi: Enverists in the Kosovo Protection Corps! (Bota Sot)
Bota Sot carries an opinion piece by columnist Jusuf Ferizi, who claims that followers of the former Albanian communist dictator Enver Hoxha have joined the ranks of the Kosovo Protection Corps from Albania.
'Within KPC ranks there are elements that are directly linked to criminal groups; therefore, Commander Agim Çeku has been asked to remove these elements from KPC,' said an UNMIK spokesperson, commenting on the letter sent by KFOR and UNMIK to KPC HQ on 5 May 2003.
Similar to these announcements, almost a year ago (14 June 2002) Bota Sot had reported: After neo-communists, led by the chief renegade, Fatos Nano, got hold of power, 300 officers who were trained by NATO at the time of Sali Berisha's government were expelled from the Albanian Army. They were replaced with retired officers who were trained in the 60's in Moscow and who lead the gangs that burned Albania in 1997. Many of those from this echelon of Enverist-Soviet officers are in the KPC throughout Kosovo.
Bota Sot reported at the time that from this echelon came Colonel Spiro Butko, who was working at the KPC Headquarters in the Department of Operations, and who was soon after suspended from KPC.
The same article presented several open questions to General Çeku, which remain unanswered to this day. We will mention some of them: 'General, for what reason do you need the officers of [former Albanian President] Rexhep Meidani, who in the days of the biggest butchery in Kosovo was barking that Milosevic is the least evil of the Balkans. For what do you need the officers of Fatos Nano, who in the black year of 1997 brought death to Albania? For what do you need the soldiers of Neritan Ceka, who offered shelter to Serb refugees in his house in Tirana (1995) but refused to bring in Albanian refugees from Kosovo in 1998? For what do you need the officers of [former Albanian Government official] Skender Gjinushi, who said in 1997 in Vlora that we don't need Kosovo unless we want to become a minority and ruled by Kosovars!'
The letter from KFOR to General Çeku to clean out of the KPC elements involved in criminal groups should be considered in several respects. Because after a statement from a member of the former Central Council of the Albanian Labor Party regarding the bombing of the Zveçan bridge, when he talked as a spokesman for the AKSH, we are left to understand that criminal elements in the KPC are directly linked with the Enverist AKSH of Idajet Beqiri, aka Alban Vjosa, and Gafurr Adili, aka Valdet Vardari. Therefore, it can be suspected that all Enver Hoxha's officers that work in KPC are members of the Enverist AKSH. Even the death threat sent to an LDK deputy bears the signature of a southerner called Kostaq Tusho, who seems to be from the motherland of Enver Hoxha.
It is clear that the entire echelon of Enverist-Soviet officers didn't come to the KPC to work for 150 euros a month. They came to Kosovo for completely different purposes. They came to the KPC to orchestrate numerous assassinations and to murder some of Kosovo's best men. They came and they keep coming every single day to protect the continuity of the genetic connections between Enverist communism with the anti-Albanian gene. They started coming immediately after the liberation of Kosovo, when together with the installation of the forceful power of Hashim Thaçi, the KPC included the followers of Enver Hoxha, who used to be trained in 'special sectors' working against Kosovo which were established by the former Defense Ministry and the Central Council of the Albanian Labor Party. And while the echelon of Enverist-Soviet officers is operating in KPC and elsewhere, skilled and educated Kosovar Albanian officers are on the street. They are people who could not only transform the KPC according to US models but also reform the Albanian Army into a modern army as required by NATO standards. The sooner Enverist-Soviet officers are removed from the KPC, the sooner illiterate 'commanders' are removed from the KPC, the brighter its future will be. Any delay in this respect would mean the fall of the KPC, just like the fall of Albania in 1997.
EAR leaves museum building, fears of a new 'invasion' (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore reported that the final departure of the European Agency for Reconstruction (EAR) from the Museum of Kosovo building was followed by strict measures. The space around the museum is now being guarded by KPS and UNMIK Police officers.
Museum director Arbër Hadri told Koha Ditore that the measures were aimed at preventing any kind of misuse or threat to the space and cultural heritage of the museum.
KPS spokesman Refki Morina said the police would guard the museum around the clock, following a request from museum officials. Morina said that a contract had been signed with the museum director on the issue. The paper added that in this way police would do the job of a security company, which the museum director doesn't seem to trust. However, museum officials claim that they fear more some 'special structures', without making it clear what they were referring to.
Koha Ditore reports that there was some indication that after the departure of the EAR from the museum, UNMIK Pillar IV would move in. But international officials from this pillar say they had no such information. In the meantime, the museum building is being mentioned as the possible future seat of the Presidency of Kosovo.
Hadri promised that soon the museum would be open to all citizens who will be able to have access to hundreds of museum exhibits. 'The citizens were unrightfully deprived of their rights because this is the same as if someone were prevented from going to a church or a monastery,' he said, and added that an 'invasion' of the museum would not be allowed to take place again.
Demaçi: The tale of billions for Kosovo are a fairy tale (Zëri)
Commenting on recent claims that Serbia would gain US$2.5-3 billion for the independence of Kosovo, Zëri quotes Adem Demaçi, chairman of the Association of Freedom of Mind, as saying that that is an 'unserious proposal' and 'ridiculous assumption'.
'This is ridiculous. Some people think that money can buy everything. Our emigrants talk about everything, but apart from this, Albanians don't have this kind of money,' Demaçi was quoted as saying. 'Serbia has the opportunity to win not US$2.5 billion but US$25 billion, if it gets rid of Kosovo. Because if Serbia insists on keeping Kosovo, it will suffer more losses. It would not be able to join the European Union. It would have problems with us and we would have armed conflicts again,' he commented.
Prishtina District Court lacks investigative judges (Koha Ditore)
It still is not known when the trial will begin of four doctors at Prishtina Hospital who have been charged with subjecting a female patient to a medical intervention that resulted in her becoming sterile. The reason is Prishtina District Court lacks investigative judges, reports Koha Ditore.
The case in question arrived at Prishtina District Court almost a year ago but the investigation still has not started.
'I was told last week at Prishtina District Court that there is minimum chance for the start of the trial against the four doctors that we have sued. All that I can do now is to send a complaint to the Kosovo Supreme Court and UNMIK Justice Department,' Nazmi Maloku told Koha Ditore. Last April he and his wife sued four doctors from Prishtina Medical Center for a surgical intervention while left his wife sterile.
'We still haven't started investigations regarding this case because we have very few investigative judges and those we have are dealing mostly with cases that deal with detention and persons that are in detention, which are more urgent because of the deadlines and the short time allowed for detention cases to be processed,' said Besim Kelmendi, an instigative judge at Prishtina District Court. He said that he couldn't specifically say when the trial against the four doctors might start.
Doctors Ilir Beqiri, Ilir Efendia and Burim Zhuri suspended (Koha Ditore)
The director of Gjakovë Hospital, Dr. Samile Juniku, has suspended all three doctors who operated on the 24-year-old patient from from Gjakovë, Albin Gorani, who died after the operation was declared a success by his doctors, reported Koha Ditore.
Dr. Juniku decided to suspend the doctors based on article 12 of 'professional responsibility and material rights' code. She suspended them because they violated work procedures, as outlined in the regulation. 'The decision was made on 8 May; the doctors received the suspension on 9 May,' she said.
Dr. Juniku also said that a mistake was made when the body of the patient was released without a postmortem. 'The doctors that were on duty that night said that they were ready to conduct the post mortem, and that they shouldn't have allowed the body to leave the hospital,' she said. She added that the full documentation on Gojani's death had been handed over to the regional investigative police unit for serious crimes in Pejë. It is expected that a post mortem will now be conducted to determine the cause of death.
What 6,000 Kosovars say (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore carried an commentary by Robert Piper the Resident Representative of the United Nations Development Program in Kosovo.
Given the apparent risks of losing the important public administration principle of 'decentralization' entirely to the fate of ethnic politics, UNDP recently commissioned a local survey company - Index Kosova - to ask 6,000 Kosovars across all 30 municipalities how they currently felt about key local public services and their local government.
The good news is that Kosovars appear to have high confidence in their local government. From Mitrovica to Prizren, from Peje to Kamenice, respondents to our survey overwhelmingly expressed confidence in their local Government (73% were even able to name their local Municipal President - results that would shame many well-established democracies). With that confidence also came high expectations, and they pointed to a raft of services they feel should be managed to a greater extent by local Government.
Our 6,000 respondents also rated the performance of 22 key service areas, most of which are locally-managed, some of which are centrally-managed and a few of which, to be fair, are lost somewhere in between. Across this basket of 22 services, the people of Suhareke, Gjilan and Kaçanik came out first, second and third in terms of overall satisfaction. The people of Malisheve, Zveçan and Novobrdo came out least satisfied overall.
Kosovo-wide, as far as individual services are concerned, fire and emergency services, ambulantas and schools were rated the highest by clients. Electricity, pensions and local road maintenance received the lowest ratings for performance and satisfaction.
Below this interesting, aggregated, Kosovo-wide data, each municipality result told a different story for different services. Whilst sewage and sanitation, for example, was rated as the third worst service overall with the vast majority of people saying they are 'very dissatisfied', people in Prizren and Gjilan reported quite high levels of satisfaction for this service. Conversely, whilst ambulantas enjoyed high ratings overall, the people of Novobrdo, Prishtina and Gllogovc were significantly less content.
As these examples suggest, the issues facing those who want to improve service-delivery in Kosovo, cannot be explained away simply by looking at Kosovo through an 'ethnic lens'; the survey findings revealed a range of stories, good and bad, emerging about different services and different municipal Governments.
That being said, some patterns did emerge with regard to different ethnic groups that need to be seriously addressed. These represent an important challenge for managers and at the same time, an important opportunity for the Government to build-confidence and respond to real priorities for minority groups. For example, out of 22 services, cultural activities were ranked highly by K-Albanians and non-Serb minorities, but they fell towards the bottom of the scale according to K-Serbs. Conversely, pensions were ranked in the top 5 by Kosovo-Serbs, and in the bottom 5 by Kosovo-Albanians and other minorities.
For managers of key services at the central and municipal level, there is important information to be found about how their performance is perceived. In a large part, this is what 'decentralization' is all about - anchoring key services closer to the homes of clients, in order to allow local managers to hear more accurately how they are doing and to respond to local realities.
Whilst there appears to be a range of performance-issues across Kosovo's local Governments, the survey revealed a much narrower range of answers to basic questions about priorities for the future. From across 30 municipalities and from ethnic group to ethnic group some 50% of these 6,000 people identified employment as the top problem and 60% identified electricity as the service 'most in need of attention'. These messages featured across all municipalities, irrespective of ethnic composition. Clearly, there is a growing Kosovar consensus at the household level about what is most important and what they will judge their elected representatives and Government officials on, and this consensus transcends any other demographic distinctions. Good news for political leaders, and an international community that is here to help build a functioning democracy and set Kosovo's development process on the right track. Those that ignore this emerging consensus, do so at their peril.
More worryingly in terms of the building blocks of democracy, was the depth of the confusion revealed by the survey when people were asked about which part of the administration (central, local, UNMIK etc..) is responsible for which services. In the case of social services, for example, people appear divided - 36% think the local authorities are responsible, 37% think it is the central authorities and the rest are divided between three other authorities or simply indicated, 'don't know'. In such circumstances, responsibility for failure - and success - may be laid at the wrong the door. As we debate 'decentralization' then, there is an urgent need to bring clarity where there appears to be little.
The survey also revealed a worrying lack of engagement on the part of the general public to participate in the work of their local community. Only 30% of people overall expressed a willingness to work voluntarily on various issues in their municipality. But local governance is a two-way street - it requires willingness by both the authorities and the public to work together on improving life at the local level. Expanded client input into policies will surely foster an environment of greater partnership between service provider and client, and a clearer sense of the 'public good'.
Kosovo's decentralization debate must be framed by these important realities. Good Government is about service. It is about meeting the needs and expectations of the public. It is about measuring progress and listening to the views of clients. Effective Government also requires identifying priorities amongst competing claims for our attention - and allowing citizens to participate in that process rather than doing so on their behalf from behind the safety of a desk.
Belgrade Update
Minister Vlahovic surprised with Michael Steiner's decree (RTS)
Serbian Minister for the Economy and Privatization Aleksandar Vlahovic has said that he is surprised with Michael Steiner's decision to proclaim the regulation 'On Land Use Right', which is creating the conditions for commencing privatization in Kosovo. 'Due to the passing of such a decree, I don't see UNMIK's good will for commencing at all the topic of de-nationalization of the land in Kosovo,' Vlahovic told Beta.
He says there is a series of unresolved issues that must be resolved before the privatization process in Kosovo and Metohija is commenced. 'Since this decree, which has been passed without consultations with us from the Serbian government, is creating additional confusion regarding the approach to privatization that will be applied to Kosovo companies, Mr. Covic and I will have very intensive communication with UNMIK towards resolving this contested issue,' said Vlahovic. The Serbian government, Vlahovic pointed out, has requested of UNMIK and international financial institutions and organizations that privatization in Kosovo and Metohija respect elementary economic standards and logic. 'The approach of selling a company and not respecting the creditors, that is, the company's trustees, has not been applied in any country in transition,' he said. Decree 2003/13 is changing the right to use land of public companies in Kosovo and Metohija into a 99-year-lease that may be freely transferred and used as guarantee for insurance credits.
Russian troops to leave the region this summer (Beta)
Russian Defence Minister Sergey Ivanov announced today that Russia's military contingent in Bosnia and Kosovo are to be withdrawn by 1 August this year. Stressing that the decree for extraction of Russian soldiers has already been signed by President Vladimir Putin and is being coordinated in close cooperation with NATO, Ivanov explained that troops are to begin pulling out of the region during the second half of this month. Ivanov insisted that the extraction does not equate to Russia's loss of interest in regulating the situation in the region. He added that Moscow is to continue its active participation in seeking a political solution to the Balkan situation within UN, OSCE and other structures.
Ivanov: Russian soldiers to leave Kosovo and B-H by 1 August (RTS)
Russia is to withdraw its military contingent from the Balkans by 1 August this year, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov said at a session of the Russia - NATO Council in Moscow. Ivanov announced that the withdrawal of the Russian soldiers from the Balkans is to commence in the second half of May, by railway and airplanes. The Russian FM stated that the decree on the withdrawal of the Russian soldiers from Kosovo and B-H had already been passed by Russian President Vladimir Putin, and that its realization is already being processed within the General Staff and the Main Command of the Russian ground troops 'in close cooperation with NATO.' He said that the decision on the withdrawal 'doesn't mean that Russia lost interest in regulating the situation in this region,' and he underlined that Moscow would continue to actively participate in the political resololution of the situation in the Balkans at the bilateral and multilateral level, within the corresponding structures of the UN, OSCE and other international institutions.
Covic: We don't need false promises (RTS)
Today's talks in Pristina between the Head of the CCK Nebojsa Covic and the Chief of UNMIK Michael Steiner have apparently yielded no results. According to Covic's statement given after the meeting, there was no agreement on the key issue - the extradition of Shefket Musliu, former commander of the UCPMB, to the Serbian judiciary. Covic stressed that unless this condition were fulfilled, there wouldn't be any serious talks at all, 'We are not going to allow to anyone, not even to the Chief of UNMIK, to give us false promises,' he said.
Outlawed ANA threaten Pristina mayor (B92)
Mayor Ismet Beceri is the latest to receive a threatening letter from the outlawed Albanian National Army (ANA/AKSH). According to Pristina-based media, Beceri found the letter, signed by 'Commander Rapi', on his doorstep this Saturday morning. No other details have been released, nor has the possible motivation of the group been determined. Beceri said: 'It was not sent by mail, someone left it in front of the door. Many other people have received such letters'. UNMIK chief Michael Steiner has branded the self-proclaimed AKSH a terrorist organization after their recent attempt to mine a railway bridge in Zvecan.
Wife blows the whistle on broadcast lies (B92)
The wife of Broadcast Agency Council member Goran Radenovic alleged today that her husband had lied in support of his candidacy for the Council. Radenovic was proposed as the ninth member of the Council, a position reserved by law for a councilor who lives and works permanently in Kosovo. His election caused an outcry from Kosovo Serb political leaders who said they knew nothing about him nor did they know who had nominated him. Ivanka Radenovic showed B92 a marriage certificate proving that she is Radenovic's wife. She also produced his official academic record from Belgrade University, showing that he had not completed a law degree, as claimed in the curriculum vitae attached to his nomination. Mrs. Radenovic also denied that her husband lived in the Kosovo town of Gracanica. 'I also want to deny that I, his legal wife, am pregnant and that this is the reason he is dividing his time between Gracanica and Podgorica. The gentleman lives in Podgorica and I have not lived in Podgorica since October 1, 2001. 'Mr Radenovic has been registered with the Refugee Commission here in Belgrade as a displaced person since April 8, 2001. 'He lives and works in Podgorica and at present works, as far as I know, for a company called Pink Television. He claims that he works as an advisor for the company. 'I have no knowledge of the capacity in which he works, but I do know that he is not permanently employed by them because he has no work permit: he has lost it. 'As he himself says, his official employer is at present the company MBV,' said Ivanka Radenovic. In addition to her marriage certificate and her husband's academic record, Mrs. Radenovic today also produced Goran Radenovic's personal identification papers, which describe him as an IDP from Kosovo residing in Belgrade.
Last document for starting privatization in Kosovo signed (Beta)
The Chief of UNMIK Michael Steiner proclaimed a regulation on the 'Transformation of rights to use socially-owned real estate,' known as the 'Land use right regulation.' Under the decree, the right to use land belonging to socially owned companies has been changed into a 99-year lease, which can be transferred, and used as collateral for loans. 'The decree that stipulates the transformation of the right to use land into a kind of ownership of property will considerably boost the value of socially-owned companies that will be privatized and thus contribute to developing the Kosovo economy,' it said in a statement delivered to BETA. A special provision of the regulation refers to 'granting rights to workers,' in respect of income from privatization. A certain portion of the income will be distributed to the workers of a privatized socially owned company. The portion will be 20 percent of the amount offered for the given socially owned company. The regulation, which came into effect on May 9, has overcome the last legal obstacle for starting the privatization program in Kosovo.
Covic: Steiner's Land use right regulation is robbery (B92/Beta)
The Head of the CCK Nebojsa Covic, said that UNMIK Chief Michael Steiner's regulation, which envisages the privatization of municipal land, was biased and represented 'the robbery' of state-owned capital. Covic said that Steiner's regulation on transforming the rights of using state-owned land was 'another provocation for the Belgrade authorities, whose representatives had not been consulted before its adoption.' Covic said that Steiner's decree on land would be one of the main issues on the agenda at today's meeting. 'I think this is plunder which is in total violation of international standards, where property is treated as a sacred thing and cannot be sold without the landowner's permission, which in this case is Belgrade,' Covic told BETA. He added that everyone knows how much the state invested in Kosovo and how much property Serbia owns in Kosovo and he called on the workers to protect their property.
Talks with Thaçi acceptable, says KP whip (Beta/Gradjanski list)
KP caucus whip in the Kosovo Assembly Dragisa Krstovic, said that Kosovo Serb political representatives were willing to hold talks with Hashim Thaçi, under special conditions. 'KP is willing to talk if it receives an official invitation to negotiate on matters related to living conditions, not politics,' Krstovic told BETA. He added that Kosovo's Serbs were willing to address the issues of the IDPs' return, freedom of movement, and security for non-Albanians in Kosovo. However, Rada Trajkovic, a coalition member of the Kosovo Assembly, said Thaçi's supposed readiness to negotiate was insincere. 'This is intended for helping Thaçi get international support and jeopardize the position of Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova.' 'I am not an advocate of rejecting dialog but I am all for caution and reciprocity. We are all witnesses of the Albanians' refusal to negotiate with the institutions of our state and I find it hard to believe that an Albanian leader would agree to discuss matters other than 'demarcation' and Kosovo's independence,' the Novi Sad-based Gradjanski List daily quoted Trajkovic as saying. In a recent meeting with KP officials, Thaçi proposed that the two groups meet to discuss ways to improve relations between the Albanian and Serbian communities.
Labels: Hashim Thaqi, Koha Ditore, PDK
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